Monday, January 12, 2026

WCC interview: Peace process in Colombia: what is the WCC’s current role?

Recent US attacks in Venezuela have impacted not only regional geopolitics and relations but also community level processes, and every day this still-unfolding scenario brings something new for Colombia.
Photo: Camilo Garcia/WCC
12 January 2026

As an official Permanent Accompanier in the dialogue between the Government of Colombia and the EMC-FARC (EMBF), the World Council of Churches (WCC) continues to play a vital role in supporting peaceful solutions to longstanding conflict.

Below, Jenny Neme, WCC deputy special envoy to the peace dialogue table; Dr Humberto Shikiya, WCC senior advisor for peacebuilding in Colombia, and Rev. Dr Fernando Enns, special envoy and member of the WCC executive and central committees, reflect on the current role of the WCC in Colombia and current challenges. 

A second interview in this two-part series will focus on the future of the WCC’s role in the Colombian peace process—and the vision of the WCC peace-builders. 

What is the current scenario in the peace process in Colombia?

Neme: It is not easy to speak of a fully consolidated peace process under the current government, but rather of a peace agenda framed within a policy known as Total Peace (Paz Total). This policy comprises at least three distinct tracks or lines of work.

The first track concerns the implementation of the 2016 Final Peace Agreement, the outcome of negotiations with the continent’s oldest guerrilla movement, the FARC-EP. The current government committed itself to implementing this agreement, although it has faced multiple challenges, particularly budgetary constraints.

The second and third tracks fall under what are known as dialogue-based processes.

The second track involves dialogues aimed at reaching peace agreements with actors that have political status—namely guerrilla groups such as the ELN and certain FARC dissident factions. Initially, four such processes were envisaged; at present, three remain active, as one has been suspended. Among the active processes is the dialogue with the General Staff of Blocs and Fronts (Estado Mayor de Bloques y Frentes - EMBF), in which the World Council of Churches plays a specific accompanying role.

The third track consists of socio-legal dialogue processes directed at armed organizations that do not have political status. In these cases, the objective is their submission to law and government authority. There are between eight and ten such dialogue tables or processes. Perhaps the one that has generated the greatest expectations is the most recent: the dialogue with the Gaitanist Army of Colombia, formerly known as the Gulf Clan—a group of paramilitary origin with a strong presence across large swathes of Colombian territory.

What are some of the dynamics currently at play?

Neme: These processes include dynamics of territorial transformation and the establishment of so-called Temporary Location Zones, conceived as spaces for the demobilization of armed actors. In some cases, progress has already been made in the handover of ammunition and weapons.

In particular, the process with the EMBF includes an environmental agenda that involves the civilian population. It is perhaps the only process with a clearly defined environmental agenda, in part because it is located in regions such as Catatumbo and the Amazon arc—areas severely affected by deforestation. For this reason, the environmental dimension is especially significant.

What are some of the current challenges? 

Neme: As I have noted, these processes are not easy. At times they have unfolded under ceasefires, but at present there is no agreed ceasefire in place. This means that dialogues are taking place amid confrontations between different armed groups and the Colombia military, generating serious humanitarian impacts on the civilian population. For accompanying organizations, this situation is particularly concerning, as it makes it difficult to adopt de-escalation measures and humanitarian agreements to protect civilians.

Deeply troubling practices persist, such as the recruitment of children by virtually all armed actors, as well as extortion, which places enormous pressure on communities. Armed groups often justify these practices as mechanisms to sustain their fighting capacity, but they remain among the greatest concerns within the peace processes. Although these issues are repeatedly raised at the negotiating tables and commitments are made to reduce them, we continue to receive reports that such practices persist.

Shikiya: I would add one point related to the socio-legal processes. Within these, there are three tables in particular that include civil society and the parties involved. In these spaces, progress and setbacks occur, and levels of advancement vary.

These are the so-called socio-legal urban peace processes in Medellín, Buenaventura, and Quibdó. In these processes there is limited institutional presence from churches, although there is significant territorial presence, both from the Catholic Church and from other churches.

In my view, the Medellín case is the most emblematic in terms of urban peace. The other processes involve valuable efforts, but they always unfold in contexts of tension. This reflects, in part, the shift Jenny referred to—from the notion of “total peace” toward paradigms of territorial peace—which is likely also part of the government’s strategy: to establish more territorial grounded dialogue processes.

How is the work of the WCC in the peace process?

Shikiya: Coinciding with the WCC executive committee meeting in Bogotá in June 2024, a parallel process unfolded—almost simultaneously—with meetings held in Geneva and later in Finland to prepare what would become known as the consortium project. I believe this stage marked the beginning of a period of significant growth for the World Council of Churches in terms of positioning and visibility, particularly through alliances with DiPAZ and, of course, with the Finnish Evangelical Lutheran Mission (FELM), which served as the channel through which the Finnish government mobilized resources.

This represents a first key lesson: peace must be viable, but it also has an undeniable dimension of cooperation. Peace cannot be achieved by a single organization acting alone. It is a costly lesson, but a fundamental one. At the same time, this learning process has led to greater flexibility in our role. Previously, our focus was exclusively on permanent accompaniment at the dialogue table in which Jenny participates. Now, however, the presence of three very different institutions with diverse mandates, combined with the involvement of a government with no prior experience in Colombian peace processes, has generated a highly significant collective learning experience.

For the World Council of Churches, I see a third major lesson: how to navigate the permanent tension between cooperation—especially governmental cooperation—and its own role and degree of autonomy in acting within a peace process. This tension cannot be resolved; it is structural and ongoing, particularly as the WCC understands peace in Colombia as a challenge that transcends the government that, in part, invited it at the WCC 10th Assembly in 2022 to support what was then launched as the Total Peace Law.

Where are we now? Can you reflect on the role of the WCC?

Enns: I would describe it this way: as the World Council of Churches, we have been given very big shoes to fill. The challenge before us is how we walk in those shoes. We have received an invitation from a government, and we are working alongside international partners as significant as the United Nations and the Vatican. Naturally, expectations are high—rooted in the belief that we can make a meaningful contribution to Colombia’s peace processes. Meeting those expectations remains a major challenge: how do we live up to them, and how do we carry this responsibility with integrity?

There are also expectations from the people of Colombia – not only from our member churches, but from other churches as well, from peace organizations, nongovernmental organizations, and, above all, from people in the territories. They have heard that the World Council of Churches is involved in the peace process, that we are present to help monitor, support, and strengthen peace initiatives. These, too, are “big shoes” we are expected to walk in.

Close collaboration with the Colombian Bishops’ Conference is also essential. As the majority church, it holds significant influence in Colombian society. Maintaining strong relationships ensures that we work together rather than at cross-purposes. Once again, the World Council of Churches is well placed to contribute here, given its longstanding global relationships with the Vatican.

WCC condemns US Attacks in Venezuela, calls for respect for international law (WCC news release, 3 January 2026)

WCC deepens commitment to peacebuilding efforts in Colombia (WCC news release, 11 December 2025)

 

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The World Council of Churches promotes Christian unity in faith, witness and service for a just and peaceful world. An ecumenical fellowship of churches founded in 1948, today the WCC brings together 356 Protestant, Orthodox, Anglican and other churches representing more than 580 million Christians in over 120 countries, and works cooperatively with the Roman Catholic Church. The WCC general secretary is Rev. Prof. Dr Jerry Pillay from the Uniting Presbyterian Church in Southern Africa. 

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